MIR: The Revolutionary Left in Chile

Chile Background of the political climate: Allende, the working class movement and the MIR

1964 - The presidency of Eduardo Frei

Beginning of the revolutionary movements and the working class struggle

1970 - Allende’s election

Continuing mobilization of the workers and peasants

1972 - Questions amongst the sectors of government (divisions between the right, Allende’s left, and the revolutionary left)

The worker’s struggle: coal mines

1973 - Coup

1964-1970: The presidency of Eduardo Frei could be said to have started the working class movement. His failure to enact promised reforms pushed the working class towards further demands. The strength behind this rising left played a huge role in Allende’s election. Frei focused on reform to better society for the poor along with stimulating the economy. His move to get rural unemployed to the industrial city jobs led to the organized fight for the right to housing and basic facilities. Throughout the history of Chile , it can be seen that for real change these reformist presidents are not the answer. The only periods were more rights are granted to the working class are times of stimulated by revolutionary movements.

1968: The Chilean trade union federation called for a national strike against Frei’s plan for a no-strike agreement. Number of strikes had increased from 1,939 (230,725workers) in 1969 to 5295 (316,280 workers) in 1970. There was a growing movement among workers and a rejection of Frei’s reformist policies.

1970: With the growing confidence of the working class, Allende was elected. Allende’s social and economic reforms were seen as a massive political threat to the right. However, for many it was not enough from the beginning. Allende came to power representing a coalition of six parties, called the Popular Unity (UP). Amongst these groups were the Socialist party and the Chilean Communist Party. The two both had revolutionary politics, and the Socialist Party still had the commitment to the armed overthrow of the capitalist state; however the also had a strong dedication to electoral alliances.

Allen de was elected during a political climate that demanded change. However his goal was, despite his own Socialist background, to only pass reforms that would be possible under a right dominated legislation. During a time when revolution and change was in the air, Allende’s goal was to pass moderate reforms. After being elected Allende signed the ‘Statute of Guarantee’ (on January 9, 1971 ) , promising “that the Allende government would respect the state and its structures and leave intact all those instruments which the bourgeoisie had evolved to defend its class interests—the education system, the Church, the mass media and the armed forces.” This is not exactly the bargain which the revolutionary left wanted from their “Marxist” president. Allende’s aim was to mix the economy—state, private and mixed sectors. He nationalized some industry; however, also offered state subsides to private capital

1971: Even with the gain of Allende’s election, the mobilization of the working class and peasants did not stop. The landless peasants continued their land seizures in a push for agrarian reform; however, were told to stop occupying land and wait for the legal process by Allende. He also criticized the MIR (who influenced the peasants and shanty town organizations) for acting outside the law. On May 21, 1971 , Allende gave his “ Chilean Way ” speech. In this he described his plan to nationalize large enterprises, while maintaining private small-medium businesses. He continued to show a deep respect for the law and constitution and refused to stray from either.

The working class resistance to Allende started in 1970 with 4,000 Chuquicamata miners going on strike demanding higher wages. By July of 1971 there were 10,000 coal miners on strike at the Lota Schwager mine. Strikes in mines throughout Chile (in El Salvador , El Teniente, Chuquicamate, La Exotica and Rio Blano) increased during the same time—all demanding higher wages. After attempts at nationalization, the output of copper was already down; this is when the strikes of the workers really made an economic impact. With this blow to the Chilean economy, Allende acted against the workers.

1972: With the working class as well as the right against him Allende planned changes to speed up reform and nationalization in hopes to take the lead from the working class movement. The right believed that the working class support was waning due to the economic crisis, “expressed in inflation, disinvestment and a deliberate slowdown in production,” so they wanted to wait it out and avoid any further reform. They were working towards gaining more electoral support and building an organized right against Allende. MIR, in defense of the working class struggle, called for “the extend of the public sector, to re-assert UP’s original commitment to nationalized 90 major firms—by government decision that the number had been reduced to 43—and to engage actively in an ideological struggle to win new support” (Gonzalez 49).

1973: Military Coup (link to Allende/Pinochet page)

The background of the hostile political climate makes it easy to see why the “socialism” of Allende failed. The failure of the revolution in Chile was due to the reformist ideology of the Allende government. It suppressed the movement which led to its own end (without the support of the working class) as well as the end to the struggles. With this in mind, it is worth taking a look at an alternative in the MIR, which offered different tactics in true revolutionary struggle.

 

 

 

 

 

 

MIR

As the Cuban Revolution succeeded in overthrowing Batista, its romantic image stimulated a new generation of revolutionaries in Chile . In 1965 the Revolutionary Movement of the Left (Movimiento de la Izquierda Revolucionaria/MIR) was organized. The MIR was started by a group of students at the University of Concepcion . Together with Miguel Enríquez, his brother, Marco Antonio, and Marcello Ferrada-Noli's) of the Mir’s first Tesis político-militar presented and approved at MIR’s foundation congress in 1965. It began using terrorist tactics two years later, the same year it stated its alliance with Castroism. In 1967 the main group of MIR leadership moved to Santiago . There they joined up with Andres Pascal Allende. In 1969, because of new antiterrorist laws put in place by the Christian democratic President Frei, a list of 13 militants was publicized. Included in this group were Marcello Noli, Miguel Enriquez, Bautista Van Schown, Luciano Cruz, Juan Saavedra, and 8 more. Also warrants for arrests were placed for 6 militants. This pushed much of the workings of the MIR underground. During the first five years of MIR’s existence the political environment in Chile dramatically shifted. During Allende’s presidency he granted amnesty to many socialist/communist organizations and encouraged them to participate in the legal process. However, the MIR never attached itself to Allende; rather it criticized him for being too conservative. The criminal acts continued during Allende’s presidency. The goals of the MIR were to make Allende and other political leaders understand that socialist reform was not enough and to push for a true Marxist state. But this pardon which Allende gave to the MIR and other groups only made him appear as a supporter of Communist militancy; the reformist attitude amongst the politicians didn’t change. In fact, in December of 1971 Congress impeached Interior Minister Tohá for failing to investigate MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary Left) and its actions. This proves the lack of ‘left’ in government and the measures that were taken to discredit the MIR in anyway possible. The confrontation between the MIR and Communist Party climaxed at the point where Arnoldo Rios was shot and killed on December 3 rd, 1970 . Arnoldo was a young student belonging to the MIR at University of Concepcion . Even the Communist Party advocated, along with the Christian Democrats, suppressing MIR at an UP conference in 1972.

The MIR played an instrumental role in encouraging the struggles of the working class of the time. In June of 1973 the workers seized their factories, taking full control of cordones. Strikes were taking place all throughout Chile due to the role the MIR and its revolutionary politics played. If the people would have been satisfied with the reformism of Allende, they would not have called strikes and there would not have been a growing workers movement. The people too saw that reforms were getting them no where and real change needed to happen.

The MIR was active until the mid-1990s. Over the stretch of this long period and the dramatic political shifts that took place it never let down on its militant actions to try and reach its ultimate goal of establishing a communist Chile . Through periods of reformist “leftist” presidents like Allende, to periods of rightist dictators the MIR continued to use militant tactics regardless of the political administration.

Timeline of MIR attacks:

June 8, 1975 : An armed attack in which a bomb was thrown into the yard of a US ambassador’s home in Lima , Peru . Only cause minor damage and no injuries.

June 23, 1976 : Parcel bomb mailed to the Argentinean Airlines manager. There were no injuries.

Oct. 27, 1978 : Bomb exploded at the Argentine Consulate in Santiago . Windows were broke and minor damage to the building but no injuries.

Feb. 27, 1979 : Bombing at the Bi-National Center (cultural center sponsored by both the US and Chile ) in Santiago . Damage was done to the building but there were no injuries.

Sept. 9, 1993 : Bombings at two McDonald’s restaurants in Santiago . It claimed to be an act against US imperialism. There were four injuries total.

Mar. 23, 2004 : A group (the Free Fatherland Guerilla Army of the Poor) associated with the MIR was responsible for an explosion in the Brazilian Consulate in Santiago . Exploded before it could be disabled, and the bathroom was destroyed; however, no one was injured. The MIR later sent out a statement which denounced "the deplorable conditions of imprisonment, as well as the constant arbitrariness of the political and judiciary powers in Brazilian Government and State against the comrades detained over the case of millionaire businessman E. Olivetto."

 

Leaders:

Miguel Enriquez (1944-1974)- Miguel was born into a wealthy family and was an intellectual elitist. He went to University of Concepcion , and like Baptist Van Schouwen Vasey and Marcello Ferrada-Noli's (two other members) he had direct connections with the armed forces. The MIR was founded in 1965 by a small group of intellectuals at the University of Concepcion after first participating in the Chilean Socialist Party from 1962-1964 and 1964-1965 in the Vanguardia Revolucionaria (VRM, a less known organization with Trotskyist spirit). Influences lied in Lenin, Trotsky and Marco Antonio. He was one of the cofounders of the MIR in 1965 and became the general secretary of the organization. During the military coup of 1973, Miguel was the organizer of the popular resistance against the dictatorship. He lived a life dedicated to building for a proletariat revolution in Chile . He died in combat after a siege of  Pinochet' s elite  forces on the 5th October 1974.

“The stuggle will be long and difficult.

It is just now beginning.

We have received some blows.

We have overcome them more blows will come

We know that in this struggle

We may lose our lives, but we will continue until the final victory.”

Miguel on Sept. 10, 1974, written a few weeks before his death.

 

Marcia Merino (La Flaca Alejandra: "skinny Alejandra")- She was born in Hualqui; however, lived in Concepcion until 1963 and then returned in 1966 after spending a few years in Santiago with her mother. Because of the idea of revolution and social justice she ended up joining the MIR. She eventually became the second in command of the MIR.

Words of Marcia on the Military coup

"Day 11 of September of 1973 found me in the address of my mother and by means of the radio it finds out to me the Military coup. after the bombing of the Currency it transfers me to a security house, previously agreed, where we had to arrive ten people, but we arrived single three or four. We remained as three days there and we were disconnected totally of the rest. Now, that step later or what I did, not it memory. Single memory that time later retakes contact with the party, not by interval of that, but initiates the delivery of the infrastructure that had obtained. Bond to say, security houses, so that they were used, but never I knew by that. Single I made delivery of the information ".

"By the end of September of 1973 go to visit to my mother and as be near the hour of the touch of be left, that be to the 20 hour, and since nobody have get there to ask by my, decide be left me". "When ten or the eleven were approximately at night, I arrive a military, accompanied patrol of a man related to the MIR, but that I did not know or I did not remember who was. An official one was the one that spoke. All came with uniform, except that individual. They asked for Alejandra and I said to them that she was I. The official showed that she had to accompany them to lend a declaration. My mother I ask to them that place was transferred and it responded to him that to Hill. Immediately my mother I explain that tapeworm to him a son who was official of the Air Force and that worked in Hill. With these antecedents the official I ask for a telephone to communicate with its unit. As it could not do it, it said me that she waited for it, since went to the Ministry of Defense to communicate and to request instructions ".

Marcia Merino relates that the order of the official obeyed, but that I take advantage of the time to break "all the compromising documentation and I gave instructions him to my mother so that it warned the party that stopped to me and that took the measures in relation to everything what wise I, specially the houses that had given. Nonmemory the time that passed, but could half an hour be. The military and in a light truck, whose characteristics nonmemory, due to the nervousness, seated to me ahead, in the middle of the two military arrived again such. They lead to me until Pedehue where I was interrogated by the greater one of I exercise, whose name nonmemory, single its degree, because therefore they mentioned it who spoke with. In that place the questions turned around if he were militant of the MIR and if it were put in something political, everything which towards thinking to me that they did not have any information respect to my. These interrogations me did them during five days, in different hours ".

According to their version, the detectors treated it "very well" during those days, as much in the referring thing to the physical treatment, like a the diet. The urgent thing was, says, in the psychological treatment. "they pressed much to Me with execution threats and to take me to the National Stage, but as I knew that they did not have idea of my political life, I denied everything."

It indicates that it was left in freedom, in a date that it ignores, "but to the five days to be there, a lieutenant of I exercise, whose name nonmemory, I communicate that it was frees and I am transferred in jeep of the institution, I suppose that to the house of my mother. In that place I remained by some minutes and it transfers to the address of militants of the MIR located in Santiago Center, by Beautiful the Andrés street, to which single wise person to arrive. One was militants who were not leaders. Their names are Muriel Dockendorf; its husband, whose name nonmemory; and ' He challenges chicó, whose last name was Retamales. there I remain several days and manages to take contact with the brother from Retamales, that is ' He challenges grandé. We were outside the house, by day, in my automobile. In that opportunity it comments of my halting and the interrogations to him. I wonder myself if they had tortured to me and I said to him that no. I add: ' I you reserved tapeworm one balá. Immediately it gave me you order to congeal to me, that in political terms means not to make political activities. For it they took me to a department in the Forest park , I ignore to that belonged. there I was in favor of space of four months, with a contact of once to the week with people who were going to see to know to me as she were and to talk. About that estadía I thought about putting in a home itself, without imagining embassy some, but I was scared to him to the sanction of the party, since they described as treasonous to which they did it."

 

Marcello Ferrada-Noli's- He was born in Copiapó , Chile , July 7, 19 43 to a family of military and intellectual regard. He was one of the MIR founders and the creator of the MIR’s flag in 1965. Marcello was first ideologically influenced by his older brother Ricardo. He along with Miguel participated in the notorious demonstrations among the Chilean nation-wide strike of 1957. He was arrested for the first time at age 14 for demonstrating at a conservative-rightist President Jorge Alessandri’s official visit to ciudad de Concepción. This would not be the last time Marcello would be arrested for ideological reasons. He would be arrested seven more times in his youth. However, he was never found guilty in any case. In 1962 Marcello joined the Sociedad de Escritores de Chile (The Chilean Writers Society. “Marcello Ferrada-Noli's took at that time a very strong decision: that his cultural and scientific production would permanently stand on behalf of the poor and the oppressed.” Most of his work would be considered classical liberal (and classical anarchist) which denounces the cultural and political dominance of the conservative Catholic Church and especially the conflicts between religion and science. In 1963-1964 Marcello traveled to other areas of Latin America participating in the unrest in Rio de Janeiro and the uprising in Panama . He went to Cuba where was able to meet Ernesto Che Guevara at a Television station in La Havana in February 1964. After the triple wedding of MIR members in 1968, Marcello became the youngest professor of Chile University at age 27.

“In 1969 I was imprisoned during the anti terrorist law passed by the Christian democratic government against MIR. My name was in the national list of 13 "prófugos de la justicia" - a sort of dead or live warrant-  published in the national papers among in El Mercurio. In 1973, in the aftermath of the Military Coup which ended with Allemande's government, I was held prisoner at the Stadium in Concepcion after the struggles in Concepcion and thereafter at the Concentration Camp at the Navy base in Quiriquina Island . From 1975 I was forced to leave in exile in Europe after an ostracizing decree of the Military Government in Concepcion .” After the Military Coup, Marcello went to Rome to be a witness in the investigation of the violation of human rights in Chile . Years later he would be exiled to Scandinavia .

 

Myths:

MIR and Allende had the same ideas about Chile ’s future

The myth that the goals of MIR and Allende were the same only holds true in that they both wanted change for Chile. Although they both claim to be fighting for socialism, each had a much different definition of socialism. MIR was acting with a goal of a true Marxist/Leninist revolution; one of the working class and an overthrow of capitalism. Their intentions were to fight the system directly, and that can be seen through their militant or terrorist actions. The socialism that Allende wanted was sought by reforms. There was no intention of working outside the constitutional laws. Allende never attacked the capitalist system or thought it to be the problem. Instead he saw the capability for reform. The MIR acting in Marxist tradition saw no possibility for reform and worked towards working class struggle (using the labor movement) and ultimately revolution.

 

MIR’s responsibility for the coup and repression

There are many people today who believe it was the fault of the MIR and other extreme leftist groups that the coup and the later repression occurred. This myth developed because MIR, as a Revolutionary Marxist group, committed acts of terrorism which may have in some peoples eyes lead to the oppression and dictatorship of Pinochet. This is definitely a myth. The MIR may have taken things further than Allende; however it was the reformist attitude of Allende which allowed for the growth and eventually control of the right and what ended up being the Pinochet rule. Because of Allende’s moderate politics he did not make a stand against the right. He called for reform but this was only a compromise of the spectrum of politics and did not allow for real social, political and economic change. “In a word, UP represented reformism, and it is reformism that failed. Even though this was an attempt at “working class reformism” and not the sort attempted by Popular Fronts, it still led to disastrous results, as it will do elsewhere if tried, because it is totally inadequate to confront the global project of imperialism and of local capitalism…” (Gitting 70). In no way did the Allende reformism threaten the structure of the system. There was no change other than legal change, and true socialism cannot spread from the top down. The MIR saw revolution as a bottom-up movement, a working class movement. Given that it takes the objective conditions to be a certain way before capitalism can be overthrown by the proletariat, there is no way that socialism can come from a top-down president like Allende. Allende said, “We have maintained public order because that is our obligation. We will carry out social transformation because we were elected to do so. But we are doing and will do it within a legal and juridical framework. The political constitution gives us the possibility of establishing a new constitution different from the present on, and this road we will also use” (Smirnow 49). Rather than an extremist group pushing too much for revolutionary change being the cause of the coup, it was the lack of contest given to the right by Allende which allowed them to step in the way they did.

Read exerpts of "Mi Verdad" by Marcia Alejandra Merino Vega, member of the MIR

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